The Importance of National Minority Representation for Stability in Europe: A Focus on Sardinia

The Italian discard of Sardinian rights is a potential threat to the security of its country and Europe at large.

When looking up on Google “Sardinia”, images of an island with beautiful beaches kissed by the sun and with water as beautiful as emeralds appear on the screen. Maybe even the occasional delicacy or hotel to book an unforgettable holiday on the Mediterranean Sea. However, if somebody slightly twists the research and types “Sardinians”, pictures of men and women dressed in elaborate gowns adorned by decorated jewelry and head scarfs pop up. It is here that lies one of the most distinct elements of recognition, identification, and pride for more than 1.5 million Sardinians [1].

This interesting group of people has been living on the Italian island of Sardinia for thousands of years., Their origins trace back to the Bronze Age and even before, with proof of these ancient ties being represented by the ‘Nuraghes’, towers made of stone scattered throughout the island, which give the name to the civilization of the Nuragic People. The Sardinians highly value all the archeological artifacts that relate to this civilization, as they consider themselves the descendants of the Nuragic.

What makes the Sardinians different from the rest of Italy is not just geographical or genealogical. The group speaks its fragmented language and its members share a unique mix of identity dilemmas and social griefs resulting from a violent and troubled history, especially in its relation with mainland Italy. To understand this grief and resentment, a little bit of history is necessary [2].

A Troubled Unification

The Italian rule of Sardinia began in 1720 with the Piedmontese House of Savoy and was marked by disdain for the local population, leading to the re-establishment of feudalism, predating their land of its natural resources, and banning the Sardinian language. The treatment was so harsh that in 1793, the inhabitants of the island revolted, but were met with bloody repression [3]. Moving forward to World War I, the Sardinians were sent to the front, facing the highest losses in the war, (13602 soldiers) [4], and once home, the veterans decided to form the Sardinian Action Party, which aimed at strengthening the position of the islanders in Italian institutions and protect their interest [5].

However, with the advent of the Fascist regime in1922, the party was banned and the Sardinian Language faced a period of linguistic prohibitionism until the 90s when it became the second official language of the Sardinian Autonomous Government [6]. Although sentiments of independence have lingered around the island since the 1793 revolution, Sardinian separatism has been marked by internal divisions but never faded away. Furthermore, the secessionist movement always refused the armed struggle as a means to achieve its goal of separation from the mainland, unlike other similar groups in the rest of the continent. This stance is marked by a profound anti-militarist sentiment that evolved from the scars of the two world wars and is today a hotly debated topic in regional politics, especially concerning the role that NATO plays on the island [7].

Sardinia is one of the most militarized regions in Europe, as it hosts nearly 60% of Italy's military land [8]. This area contains several training ranges used by the Italian military, which are often rented out to NATO allied forces for exercises and simulations involving weaponry.

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization is an essential actor in the unstable Mediterranean Sea, guaranteeing stability and deterring the forces from Russia and territorial claims from North African regimes on the islands between the two continents.

Nonetheless, resentment towards NATO grew in Sardinia, with protests calling for the withdrawal of all military forces from the region [9]. This stance has been growing more since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, with Russian propaganda and populist anti-militarist rhetoric becoming ever more popular.

A History of Italian Neglect

However, this sentiment does not come out of nowhere, but rather by an abandonment of Italian institutions to the needs of Sardinia and its people, ignoring the social and historical issues that characterize the island.

Starting with the military ranges, these infrastructures have been built by the Italian government without any consultation [10] of the local population and government, expropriating and evicting lands that had been collective property of the shepherds for ages, leading in some instances, to violent clashes. This is not the first time that the government in Rome has been ignoring the needs of the Sardinians, discarding it as an irrelevant peripheral province of the larger Italian state.

The Roman bureaucracy has established a long-standing tradition of ignoring the needs of the locals and dropping life-changing decisions, without ever consulting the people affected by such decisions.

A failed forced industrialization program in the 1960s, the opening of coal mines, and the recent forced energy transition imposed on the island all share a common issue: a misallocation of resources between the mainland and the island [11]. While Sardinia’s land was used to allocate the most polluting and damaging industries far away from the rest of Italy, the Sardinians could never enjoy the fruits resulting from them, fostering a sentiment of distrust towards the state and its institutions [12].

Why National Minorities Are Essential For A Stronger European Defense?

It seems a miracle that the island did not spiral into a violent conflict like neighboring Corsica. Nonetheless, these issues need to be addressed. The minorities of Europe represent an important player for the West to maintain the stability of its security apparatus. Failing to acknowledge the needs of national ethnic minorities can open an opportunity for rival powers to exploit them and instill conflict, undermining the stability of liberal democracies. This strategy is nothing new and Russia has been capable of exploiting underrated minorities to undermine its neighbors, just think about Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Crimea. As of today, representation of national minorities in Europe is often limited despite the EU chart for the protection of minority languages. This is a rather naïve, strategic blind spot and the member states of the EU and NATO urgently need to resolve such issues. An easy temptation would be to just repress those cleavages, but that would only sour the relationship between minorities and the central states. I believe that we all remember the times of ETA in Spain and nowadays we see the fragmented FLNC still active in Corsica.

Coming back to the Sardinians, the region has to share its European constituency with the demographic giant of Sicily, leading to almost no Sardinian candidates being elected at the EU parliament, and the threshold for regional parties to enter the local government is set to 10% of votes, leaving out regional parties and favoring larger and richer Italian parties that act in line with the demands dictated by the mainland’s bureaucrats [13].

Furthermore, the discussion on the military ranges and the imposition of land-consuming energy sources on the island has made the Sardinian public more disenfranchised with the political institutions, resulting in low voting turn-out, and more protests towards industries and political decisions taken in Rome [14].

At the end of the day, including national minorities in the national and European dialogue in politics and resource allocation is essential to securitize the continent against power that tries to hold back the continent. Whether it is Russia, China, the USA, or any other world power, Europe needs to hear the requests and enhance the emancipation of its minorities. Leaving out from effective representation and complete expression of minorities represents a potential threat to the EU and NATO, allowing the exploitation of such conflicts and bringing down the security apparatus of the continent from the inside. The European Committee of the Regions is only but one of the instruments that can bring this dialogue to happen.

However, such steps require national states and communities to put themselves into discussion, addressing historical grievances and sometimes painful confrontations with the national identity and institutions of the states. This said, previous positive experiences have been fruitful, especially at the downfall of the Soviet empire, where minorities in Poland, Lithuania, and Ukraine have found a renewed expression and brought down long-standing conflicts between these groups and their mother states. The EU and its member states need to solve those issues, even if minor, to make its security more resilient, especially when facing a skilled adversary like Russia, which since ancient times, has exploited ethnic groups to fuel conflict and advance its interests.

References

1- Malandrone, A. (2016, November 25). NELL’ABITO TRADIZIONALE SARDO, LA STORIA DELLA SARDEGNA. Nurnet - La Rete Dei Nuraghi. https://www.nurnet.net/blog/nellabito-tradizionale-sardo-la-storia-della-sardegna/

2- Dettori, A. (2008). LINGUA SARDA IN MOVIMENTO: DAL PARLATO ALL’USO LETTERARIO. La Linguistique, 44(1), 57–72. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40605115

3- Aprile, P. (2017, April 15). Come i Savoia depredarono la Sardegna - Il Manifesto Sardo. Il Manifesto Sardo. https://www.manifestosardo.org/come-i-savoia-depredarono-la-sardegna/

4- Figari, C. (2019, March 30). I caduti sardi nella Grande Guerra - www.CarloFigari.it. Www.CarloFigari.it. https://www.carlofigari.it/i-caduti-sardi-nella-grande-guerra/

5- Ortu, G. G. (2021, November 26). 1921. Nasce il Partito Sardo d’Azione: la scelta antifascista dei “rossomori.” La Nuova Sardegna. https://www.lanuovasardegna.it/tempo-libero/2020/12/10/news/emilio-lussu-e-la-para bola-del-sardismo-1.39643733

6- Academia de su Sardu. (2022, November 21). Dal proibizionismo ai giorni nostri - Acadèmia de su Sardu. Acadèmia de Su Sardu.

7- Arcai, F. (2024, February 23). Sardegna, la pesante eredità delle basi militari aleggia sul voto. Wired Italia; Wired Italia.

https://www.wired.it/article/sardegna-basi-militari-inquinamento/

 8- Redazione. (2024, December 17). Sardegna, i territori fantasma delle servitù militari. Nature Defence People; Nature Defence. https://naturedefence.it/sardegna-i-territori-fantasma-delle-servitu-militari/

9- Unioneonline/D. (2025). Teulada e Sant’Anna Arresi, 600 antimilitaristi al corteo contro le esercitazioni Nato. Unionesarda.it. https://www.unionesarda.it/news-sardegna/provincia-cagliari/teulada-e-santanna-arres i   600-antimilitaristi-al-corteo-contro-le-esercitazioni-nato-t8j08uj0?_gl=1

10- Zasso, G. (2025). La rivolta di Pratobello, una vittoria del popolo sardo. Unionesarda.it; L’Unione Sarda.

https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.unionesarda.it/3-minuti-con/la-rivolta-di-pratob ello-una-vittoria-del-popolo-sardo-n8z2wbga%3famp=1

11- L'Unione Sarda. (2024, October 19). Bonifiche in Sardegna, i dati. L’Unione Sarda.it. https://www.unionesarda.it/news-sardegna/zone-industriali-e-vecchie-miniere-in-sardegna-migliaia-di-ettari-contaminati-niente-bonifiche-soarxpd5

12- Medde, V. (2015). La lunga gestazione del piano di rinascita della sardegna: 1950-1962. Iconur.it. https://www.iconur.it/storia-degli-uomini/67-la-lunga-gestazione-del-piano-di-rinascita-della-sardegna-1950-1962

13- La Nuova. (2024, March 25). Renato soru fuori dal consiglio regionale, ricorso alla corte di giustizia europea. La Nuova Sardegna. https://www.lanuovasardegna.it/regione/2024/03/25/news/renato-soru-fuori-dal-consiglio-regionale-ricorso-alla-corte-di-giustizia-europea-1.100495967

14- Montanari, B. (2024, March). Campagna elettorale permanente | L’astensionismo sardo e il pericoloso silenzio dei partiti (e dei media) - Linkiesta.it. Linkiesta.it; Linkiesta. https://www.linkiesta.it/2024/03/sardegna-elezioni-astensionismo-media-giornali-politica/

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