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A Silent Consensus? How Political Left, Right, and Center Are Aligning on Migration Approach

  • Writer: Jedrzej Górka
    Jedrzej Górka
  • Apr 25
  • 8 min read

The European Union, being the wealthiest economic bloc in the world (Cuyvers, 2017), has faced continuous migratory pressure for decades (Sansus et al., 2020). The issue of refugee migration particularly affects leading economic nations such as France, Germany, Austria, Italy, and Spain (Eurostat). Nevertheless, the consequences of migratory influx – resulting from both economic pressure and the effects of humanitarian crises in Asia and Africa – impact the entire Union, especially countries along the EU’s external borders. Migration has been one of the most significant topics of public debate in recent decades, often associated with polarizing narratives and political exploitation of security-related fears by far-right and populist movements. The narrative, which heavily emphasized the securitization of migration and often invoked xenophobic and racist resentments, was eagerly exploited by right-wing parties such as the National Rally in France, Confederation in Poland, or AfD in Germany (Vieten & Poynting, 2016; Kosman, 2021; Gołębiowska, 2023).


By 2025, however, the stance of both the EU and its member states on migration appears less nuanced. Migration-skeptic rhetoric has also been adopted by centrist and left-wing parties, as seen in the militarization of Spain’s border with Morocco, where Pedro Sánchez’s government violated international law (vide N.D. and N.T. v Spain).

Meanwhile, in Denmark, similar migration rhetoric has been employed by figures such as Mattias Tesfaye – the son of an Ethiopian immigrant, who served as Minister for Immigration and Integration, Minister of Justice, and Minister for Children and Education in the Kingdom of Denmark. In Denmark, the key topics of debate have revolved around preserving Danish cultural identity, social cohesion, and the level of integration expected and demanded of immigrants, particularly those of the Islamic faith (Infomigrants, 2022).


Photo by Jon Tyson on Unsplash


Yet one of the most glaring examples of a universal anti-immigrant narrative, built on manipulation and fear-mongering, is Poland. Since mid-2021, the country has grappled with a crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border (Grześkowiak, 2021), orchestrated by Minsk in collaboration with Moscow, which has instrumentally used migrants as tools to destabilize the geopolitical situation. In this context, references have been made to a coordinated operation codenamed “Operation Lock” and the use of “D-weapons” (leveraging migration as a demographic weapon against third countries), also linked to the “Zapad 2021” military exercises (Repetowicz, 2018; Dyner, 2021).


This crisis led to severe mobility restrictions between Poland and Belarus and the initial militarization of the border under the rule of the Law and Justice (PiS) government. Poland, Lithuania and Latvia have been reporting a number of people trying to enter their countries irregularly from Belarus throughout the last years. Many of the migrants have come from the Middle East and Asia (BBC, 2021).


In response to the artificially manufactured crisis, on September 2, 2021, Polish President Andrzej Duda, at the request of the Council of Ministers, declared a state of emergency, widely referred to as the “State of Emergency Zone.” Its consequences included bans on journalists, activists, and volunteers entering the area, restrictions on civilian movement, limitations on NGO operations, and obstructed humanitarian aid for migrants.

During this time, people died of exhaustion in harsh weather conditions and were subjected to physical torture (Stowarzyszenie Interwencji Prawnej, 2025). Sadly, there is a lack of reliable public data provided by state institutions, which generally seek to avoid accountability and transparency regarding the humanitarian crisis at the Polish-Belarusian border. Nevertheless, according to the report issued by Fundacja Ocalenie, titled “No safe passage: Migrants' deaths at the European Union-Belarusian border.”, at least 40 individuals who crossed the EU-Belarus border into Poland had died by the end of March 2024 (Fundacja Ocalenie, 2024).


Instead of taking steps to improve the humanitarian situation, the Polish government amid this tragedy, held press conferences where the Minister of the Interior and Administration presented zoophilic content from migrants’ phones, suggesting such behavior was characteristic of “foreigners” (Rzeczpospolita, 2021).

These actions not only capitalized on existing Islamophobic, racist, and xenophobic resentments in Poland but also initiated a form of social engineering to amplify such sentiments among the public.


During these tragic events, civil society organizations engaged in assisting migrants at the Polish-Belarusian border despite state repression (Balicki, 2022), with support from liberal political forces in the Polish Sejm, including representatives of the Civic Coalition (KO), Poland 2050, and The New Left. However, the European Union took no decisive actions against Poland’s human rights violations, despite its previous firm interventions regarding rule-of-law breaches. This may have been because Warsaw’s policies aligned with the European Commission’s interests, and Poland’s right-wing government served as a convenient scapegoat in Brussels’ political games.


In 2023, during the Polish parliamentary election campaign, Donald Tusk – leader of the opposition and former President of the European Council, also employed fear-based narratives on social media, warning voters about “Muslim immigrants” (Tygodnik Powszechny, 2023). Simultaneously, the Law and Justice government launched a fear campaign, distributing referendum leaflets titled “This is already an invasion. They are coming here!”(Oko.press, 2023), which demonized Sub-Saharan African refugees. The 2023 elections ended with a victory for the liberal opposition, forming the so-called “October 15 Coalition,” led by Donald Tusk of the Civic Coalition, whose members branded themselves as the “Smiling Poland.”


Yet despite the change in government and the inflation of smiles in Poland, improvement in migrant safety at the Belarusian border was marginal.

The further militarization of the Polish border continues, the most important aspect of which is construction of a border wall with Belarus, having been expanded not only in size but also in surveillance technology by the new government following the initial efforts of Law and Justice. New requirements have also been introduced regarding the number of soldiers needed to patrol the border, amid increasing violent attacks on Polish officers by migrants allegedly trained by Belarusian forces to injure and kill Polish soldiers and border guards (Służby w akcji, 2023).


Photo by Freddy Do on Unsplash


On March 27, a law signed the day before by the Polish President came into force, amending the “Act on Granting Protection to Foreigners on the Territory of the Republic of Poland” dated February 21, 2025. This law has introduced a mechanism for the temporary and territorial suspension of the right to seek international protection, despite its incompatibility with international law and direct violations of the Polish Constitution (Article 56, Section 2). Moreover, the law restricts asylum applications at the Polish border – a clearly defined geopolitical term, which may lead to further issues, such as rejecting claims from migrants found deeper within Polish territory (Helsińska Fundacja Praw Człowieka, 2025).


As is evident, since the centrist-right (Polish People’s Party), centrist (Civic Coalition and Poland 2050), and center-left (The New Left) coalition took power, the situation regarding human rights at the Polish-Belarusian border has not fundamentally changed. Practices violating international law have been codified, and Poland’s migration policy, titled “Regain Control. Ensure Security,” still relies on narratives of securitization and militarization – including unconstitutional “buffer zones” and systematic pushbacks. Additionally, migrants are segregated into those entitled to basic human rights and those deprived of them.


Alas, I believe such practices will only intensify in the coming years. The extensification and intensification of border militarization will progress, especially given broader trends of militarization across many EU states. Increased funding for agencies like Frontex may be tied not only to the arms industry’s growth and expanded operational capabilities under “hard power” frameworks amid deepening federalization of the European Union, but also to new initiatives like the “New Pact on Migration and Asylum,” which could further militarize EU borders. A reality where the “EU Migration Pact” is replaced by an “EU Safe Frontiers Pact” no longer seems like a dystopian future, but slowly becomes an emerging reality.


However, this political direction not only threatens EU values but could also trigger a profound identity and cohesion crisis, ultimately affecting every European. Migration is not merely a question of human mobility per se but also relates to labor markets, host countries’ cultures, individual moral stances, Europe’s colonial history, and its relations with other nations. Above all, it concerns the treatment of fundamental human rights, which should be considered as universal. At a bare minimum, the approach of EU member states toward migrants should be rooted in international law – especially in fully respecting the principle of non-refoulement. Tragic events at the Polish-Belarusian border, however difficult, must not lead to collective punishment or blanket deterrence. Ensuring humanitarian protection and properly reviewing asylum claims is not only a legal obligation – it is also a moral responsibility.


If European social democrats, liberals, and conservatives quietly compromise with the far right on this issue to appease public opinion and maintain support on other key matters like climate change, they will be politically devoured before they can contain the radical right – not by far-right and alt-right political parties, but by their narrative.

As Friedrich Nietzsche warned: “Whoever fights monsters should see to it that in the process he does not become a monster. And if you gaze long enough into an abyss, the abyss will gaze back into you”.


Bibliography

1- Balicki, J. (2022). Migration Crisis on the Polish-Belarusian Border (2021–2022) From a Humanitarian and Human Rights Perspective. Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs. https://doi.org/10.33067/se.2.2022.5.

2- BBC News. (2021). Poland blocks hundreds of migrants at Belarus border. BBC News. Access: 10.04.2025. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-59206685.

3- Cuyvers, A. (2017). The Road to European Integration. , 22-42. https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004322073_003.

4- Dyner, A. M. (2021). Zapad 2021 – kompleksowe ćwiczenia wymierzone w państwa NATO. Polski Instytut Spraw Międzynarodowych.

(Translation: "Zapad 2021 – Comprehensive Exercises Targeting NATO Countries. Polish Institute of International Affairs.").

5- Eurostat. Asylum applicants by age, sex, citizenship, and type of application. European Commission. Access: 04.04. 2025. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/MIGR_ASYAPPCTZA__custom_5920187/bo okmark/table?lang=en&bookmarkId=81ed49e7-f1a9-4c0b-82cc-583e54c8a9a8.

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7- Gołębiowska, K. (2023). Alternative für Deutschland: rhetoric against migrants as a threat to democracy in Germany. Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej. https://doi.org/10.14746/rie.2023.17.15.

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9- Helsińska Fundacja Praw Człowieka. (2025). Stanowisko Zarządu HFPC dotyczące mechanizmu czasowego i terytorialnego ograniczenia prawa cudzoziemca do ubiegania się w Polsce o ochronę międzynarodową. Helsińska Fundacja Praw Człowieka. Access: 04.04.2025. https://hfhr.pl/aktualnosci/stanowisko-zarzadu-dotyczace-ograniczenia-prawa-do-ubiegania-si e-o-ochrone-miedzynarodowa.

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(Translation: "Weapon 'D' as an Asymmetric Threat. Defensive Knowledge, 1-2, 107-125.").

Sansus, L., Troitiño, D., & Kerikmäe, T. (2020). Migration to Europe: A Threat or an Opportunity?. , 59-84. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-38399-2_5.

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17- Vieten, U., & Poynting, S. (2016). Contemporary Far-Right Racist Populism in Europe. Journal of Intercultural Studies, 37, 533 - 540. https://doi.org/10.1080/07256868.2016.1235099.

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