Joke as a Little Act of Resistance

There used to be a show in Russia about puppets. Kukly ran from 1994 to 2002, a few years after Putin came into power in Russia. Kukly used puppets to satirise members of the political class, both Russian and Western. It was a hit, drawing in millions of viewers, and Putin -or rather the puppet version of him- was a regular face in the program. One infamous episode depicted him as a demonic baby being cradled by Boris Yeltsin (if the image is not nightmarish enough, remember these are puppets). Unsurprisingly, Putin wasn’t a fan of the show, and in 2002 his government took action against the host channel NTV (Sheftalovich, 2025). They raided its parent media holding, the show was cancelled, and much of NTV’s editorial staff was fired (Mak, 2025).

The creator of Kukly, Viktor Shenderovich, remained a political commentator and a regular critic of Putin regime. He was forced to flee the country in 2021 and now lives in Poland. In an interview with Politico Magazine in September 2025, he spoke about the Trump administration’s attack on the political comedy and expressed his concerns, drawing comparisons with what had happened in Russia in the early 2000s.

Putin’s Russia may appear like a distant, extreme case, far removed from contemporary democracies. Yet Shenderovich’s warning is instructive: the mechanisms that silenced Kukly—political pressure, economic intimidation, and the strategic targeting of comedians whose institutions cannot or will not protect them—are not unique to authoritarian systems. They are increasingly visible in democratic contexts as well. In the United States, often quite blatantly, and in France, where the far right has gained significant traction over the past few years, comedians have faced political interference, institutional hostility, and the leveraging of business incentives to curb critical expression. These patterns, taken together, paint a troubling picture of the state of our democracies.

Politics Is No Laughing Matter

In October 2025, the Union of Right-Wing Parties (UDR) launched a Commission of Inquiry on the Neutrality, Operation, and Funding of Public Broadcasting (the name is fairly self-explanatory) (Assemblée Nationale, 2025). Enquiries into public institutions are not particularly shocking; after all, if financed by taxpayers, they have a duty of transparency and accountability, and must answer to French law. What happened in the commission was nothing in that regard. The hearings quickly took on the tone of what many commentators described as a McCarthyite investigation, with broadcasters extensively grilled, accused of promoting left‑leaning propaganda.

France Inter’s political satirists became a particular focus. Commissioner Jérémie Patrier-Leitus insisted, “This isn’t about censoring comedians (...) but humour cannot be used as a pretext or a screen for expressing political opinions” (Patrier-Leitus, as cited in Durupt, 2026).

Particularly targeted were comedians who had criticised topics such as Israel’s foreign policy and the French far-right; meanwhile, commentators pointed out that comedians who regularly target the left—entirely within their rights—were largely absent from the accusations.

Libération’s journalist Frantz Durupt perhaps put it best. He says: “Within what boundaries should the comedians of France Inter confine themselves for things to ‘hold together’? Should [they] talk only about what [they] cooked the day before? And even then, cooking is political. Should [they] devote [their] segment to the last film [they] saw? Too bad — cinema is political too” (Durupt, 2026).

The commission was widely seen as a farce. Many observers argued it belonged more to the realm of political theatre than to genuine democratic debate, yet it still served a broader purpose. Advocates of privatization stand to benefit, particularly media owners whose interests align with that agenda. A significant share of French media is controlled by businessman Vincent Bolloré, and his outlets have been described by critics as promoting a far-right political and cultural agenda; the independent newspaper Mediapart describes his assault on French media as a “cultural crusade" (Mediapart, 2026). Reporting has also highlighted his longstanding hostility to political comedy, especially when it targets the right. From 1988 to 2018, France ran a show similar to Kukly, the muppet show shut down by Putin in 2002 (Kukly was in fact inspired by Les Guignols) (Beardsley & Maynes, 2025). It was a staple in French political discourse, lampooning every member of the French political class, many of whom are now more remembered as literal puppets than politicians. The show was cancelled in 2018, after its broadcaster Canal+ was bought by a billionaire. Can you guess who?

What the episode made visible, however, is the structural fragility of satirical expression when the conditions around it shift. Public broadcasters can come under pressure from political actors who have openly stated their intention to reshape or dismantle public institutions.

Private broadcasters, meanwhile, can be steered by the priorities of their owners—whether those priorities are ideological, commercial, or both. Let us remember that France is one year out from the next presidential elections, and that the far-right is in pole position (IFOP, 2026). Its leaders have repeatedly argued for the reconfigurations - or rather, as I fear, the end of public media. At the same time, recent history shows how quickly programming can be altered or removed when a private owner decides that satire is either politically inconvenient or commercially expendable.

The dynamic is not unique to France. The case of Jimmy Kimmel’s suspension last September by ABC was a staggering example of this political-capital nexus. This is when understanding the institutional backdrop matters. The U.S. Federal Communications Commission (FCC) is a particular regulating body; it does not control content, but it governs access to infrastructure within a commercial system. When overseen by strongly partisan officials such as Brendan Carr, it can be leveraged to exert political pressure, despite lacking formal authority to do so. And here is where the commercial logic kicks in. Sébastien Mort, Senior Lecturer in U.S. history, culture and society at Paris Nanterre University, explains (Mort, as cited in Radio France - France Culture, 2025): “There is a strong commercial dimension to this affair, since the stations that immediately complied with Carr’s injunction are owned by two major media conglomerates — one of which is very close to Trump‑aligned political power — and these two conglomerates are currently competing to acquire a third. To complete that acquisition, they need the approval of Brendan Carr, the head of the FCC. In this specific case, the commercial logic of the media model reveals itself in full force”.

In greed we trust. Photo by Artur Ament on Unsplash

In his 2022 book, The King Hadn’t Laughed, which retraces the life of Triboulet, the deformed outcast who became King Louis XII’s jester and confidante, comedian Guillaume Meurice writes about the subtle art of political satire. He writes: “To entertain without slipping. To seek the limit, the point of balance between laughter and offense. Between grace and the abyss”. Meurice would know something about it. In 2024, he was fired en grande pompe* from the French public service radio for making a (penis) joke about Benjamin Netanyahu (Constant, 2026).

Perhaps this is one of the great afflictions facing comedians today. Politics today seem to keep pushing the boundaries of what it allows itself; constantly expanding the space of its own permissibility and power, claiming more room for excess, transgression and indecency. At the same time, it is pushing back the space of those who comment on it. Each time politics pushes its own space outwards, it narrows the space for satire further inwards. Jesters are left in a comedic no man’s land, allowed only to choose between slipping and falling silent. Former U.S. Ambassador to Russia Michael McFaul told The Counteroffensive that the process of Kukly being shut down -and the broader repression of speech and media in Russia- didn’t only occur on the State-side (McFaul, as cited in Mak, 2025). It was also through institutions bending the knee because it’s just “not worth the trouble” to resist, and when people prefer to self-censor than to deal with the consequences of speaking up.

Although the landscape is bleak, none of this is a fatal. The repeated attacks against comedians and the institutions that host them are demonstrative of their power, and the fear they instill into reactionary leaders.

Comedy holds truth to power, and points out the weaknesses within political systems. McFaul says: “If you're really strong and you're really confident, then you don't need to worry about the Jimmy Kimmels of the world” (McFaul, as cited in Mak, 2025).

And that's just the thing: they do in fact fear them, and for many comedians, these cracks in the armour are precisely what keep them going. Djamil Bouanani’s Les Grands Remplaçants is a fiercely anti-racist comedy radio show featuring primarily PoC. Not only has the show been regularly lambasted by right‑wing media (no surprise there), but Bouanani also recently received an official report filed with the public prosecutor — sent by a Deputy, no less — for promoting “anti-white discrimination” with his jokes (Bouanani, as cited in Franque, 2026). Vindication! He exclaimed into the microphone: “Our plan is unfolding perfectly!”. It may be political intimidation, but it is a sign that these comedians are touching a nerve.

Viktor Shenderovich, the creator of Kukly, said, “Satire is the sharpest instrument of free speech. (...) You can crush the courts, you can crush elections; you can crush everything. But you can’t crush laughter” (Shenderovich, as cited in Sheftalovich, 2025). So, for the good of democracy, let’s all go have a laugh. And although puppets give this author terrible nightmares (especially when depicting authoritarian leaders as demonic-babies), she might go rewatch some of Les Guignols. As a little act of resistance.

*En Grande Pompe: With great fanfare. Meurice’s dismissal caused quite the media storm in France (dubbed «Prépucegate», or «penisgate»), dividing both public opinion and France Inter’s contributors, many of whom resigned in protest.

References

1. Assemblée nationale. (2025, October 28). Commission d’enquête sur l’audiovisuel public. https://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/dyn/17/organes/autres-commissions/commissions-enquete/ce-audiovisuel-public

2. Beardsley, E., & Maynes, C. (2025, October 10). Russian and French puppet shows were pushed off air after satirizing those in power. NPR. https://www.npr.org/2025/10/10/nx-s1-5546826/russian-and-french-puppet-shows-were-pushed-off-air-after-satirizing-those-in-power

3. Constant, C. (2026, December 8). Guillaume Meurice: “Il faut arrêter d’être naïf face à l’extrême droite”. L’Humanité. https://www.humanite.fr/medias/benyamin-netanyahou/guillaume-meurice-il-faut-arreter-detre-naif-face-a-lextreme-droite

4. Durand, J.-M. (2015, July 7). Vincent Bolloré aimerait mater Canal+. Les Inrockuptibles. https://www.lesinrocks.com/actu/vincent-bollore-aimerait-mater-canal-95527-07-07-2015/

5. Durupt, F. (2026, January 21). Commission d’enquête sur l’audiovisuel: La chasse aux humoristes est ouverte. Libération. https://www.liberation.fr/economie/medias/commission-denquete-sur-laudiovisuel-la-chasse-aux-humoristes-est-ouverte-20260121_K5WVDXJOXRGALLE4PHM6JYNEZQ/?poppConnect=true&redirected=9282

6. Franque, A. (2026, January 13). « En face, ils n’ont pas de limites » : À Radio Nova, une renaissance sous le signe d’un renouveau transgressif. Libération. https://www.liberation.fr/economie/medias/en-face-ils-nont-pas-de-limites-a-radio-nova-une-renaissance-sous-le-signe-dun-renouveau-transgressif-20260113_SYHOG3CXM5GIXG27CHB34PDOR4/?redirected=8753

7. IFOP. (2026, March 5). Voting intentions for the next presidential election. https://www.ifop.com/en/article/voting-intentions-for-the-next-presidential-election#

8. Mak, T. (2025, September 20). Kukly: Putin’s version of Jimmy Kimmel. Counteroffensive News. https://www.counteroffensive.news/p/kukly-putins-version-of-jimmy-kimmel

9. Médiapart. (2026, March 4). La croisade culturelle de Vincent Bolloré. https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/culture-et-idees/dossier/la-croisade-culturelle-de-vincent-bollore

10. Méreau, J. (2025, November 17). « Je suis quand même accusé de racisme » : L’humoriste Djamil le Shlag signalé au procureur. La Voix du Nord. https://www.lavoixdunord.fr/1646932/article/2025-11-17/je-suis-quand-meme-accuse-de-racisme-l-humoriste-djamil-le-schlag-signale-au#

11. Radio France. (2026, January 13). 72 millions d’auditeurs: 4e meilleure audience historique de France Inter et toutes radios. https://www.radiofrance.com/presse/72-millions-dauditeurs-4eme-meilleure-audience-historique-de-france-inter-et-toutes-radios#:~:text=Avec%207%20184%20000%20auditeurs,ans%20et%20plus%20en%202002

12. Radio France – France Culture. (2025, September 23). Ce que la suspension de Jimmy Kimmel nous dit de la liberté d’expression aux États‑Unis. https://www.radiofrance.fr/franceculture/podcasts/les-enjeux-internationaux/ce-que-la-suspension-de-jimmy-kimmel-nous-dit-de-la-liberte-d-expression-aux-etats-unis-1727046

13. Rebucci, J. (2016, August 7). Patron des Guignols: Yves Rolland placardisé par Vincent Bolloré. Les Inrockuptibles. https://www.lesinrocks.com/actu/patron-guignols-yves-rolland-placardise-vincent-bollore-66769-08-07-2016/

14. Sheftalovich, Z. (2025, September 28). ‘Laughter can’t be put on trial’: Why Donald Trump is afraid of Jimmy Kimmel. Politico Magazine. https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2025/09/28/russian-talk-show-satire-00582629

15. The Conversation. (2025, November 13). La privatisation de l’audiovisuel public: Un non‑sens économique et une menace pour notre démocratie. https://theconversation.com/la-privatisation-de-laudiovisuel-public-un-non-sens-economique-et-une-menace-pour-notre-democratie-266692

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